Speechs in the year
Tempat/Venue 	: 	HARARE, ZIMBABWE 
Tarikh/Date 	: 	01/09/86 

Mr. Chairman, 

At the outset, allow me to offer my warm and sincere congratulations on
your unanimous election as Chairman of the Eighth Conference of the Heads
of State or Government of the Non-Aligned Movement. As I have the highest
regard for your personal qualities and statesmanship, may I also associate
myself, and the Malaysian delegation, with the confidence so eloquently
expressed by distinguished leaders who have spoken before me that under
your distinguished Chairmanship this Summit will be successful in its

2. My delegation shares in the happiness all of us here feel for our host,
Zimbabwe, a country of great courage which exemplifies the resilience of
the human spirit in the struggle for its independence and its
determination to challenge that instrument of perverse power, South
Africa. Your leadership and the epic history of your country makes you
eminently suitable to chart the course of true, genuine and constructive
non-alignment for the coming years. May I also express my delegation's
deep appreciation for the kind and warm hospitality that Zimbabwe has
extended to us.

3. I would also like to place on record Malaysia's sincere appreciation of
the Honourable Rajiv Gandhi, the Prime Minister of India, for the very
able and exemplary way with which he has conducted and steered the
Non-Aligned Movement during his Chairmanship. Since the Seventh Summit in
New Delhi, the Non-Aligned Movement has re-established its commitment to
genuine non-alignment. May I commend the Honourable Rajiv Gandhi, and the
Indian people, for strengthening for us the historic role of the Movement.

4. The fact that today more than a hundred countries have chosen the path
of non-alignment illustrates the increasing desire of nations and peoples
to be free from interference and domination by the power blocs of East and
West. It is gratifying to note that despite the never-ending threats and
pressures our Movement has managed to consolidate itself. Our work is
clearly cut out before us. That we have remained a factor for peace,
rational order and economic equilibrium is beyond dispute. But it is a
moot point whether we are the moving force, that essential determinant, to
redress the inequalities in international economic relations or the
festering international political issues.

5. Twenty five years after the Movement's inception is a good time for
stocktaking. Are we still at the level of enunciating principles or is the
Movement truly cutting a clear path between the forces of bloc politics? I
suspect the answer will be a sobering one. Twenty five years ago many of
to-day's countries of Latin America, Africa and Asia were colonial
territories of various European powers. The traffic was one way, with the
wealth of the colonies flowing north to enrich the imperial coffers.

6. That period of humiliation has ended of course. All of us now claim to
be masters of our own fate and fortune. If eloquence is the yardstick, our
voices ring out loud and clear that we are free. But let us not delude
ourselves. While we are legally free, the process of economic and
political emasculation has rendered that freedom less than real. We cannot
act freely because we have been so progressively emasculated that we will
collapse if deprived of the crutches of economic, military and political
aids from our former imperial masters. We have no control over our source
of income and sometimes even over our relationship with neighbours and
distant lands. Sometimes we are made proxies in other peoples wars, pawns
in the international games and battle grounds for live testing of

7. We came together to concieve the New International Economic Order
(NIEO). Now, fourteen years after the enunciation of the concept of NIEO
we are still overwhelmed by unbearable external debts, straight-jacketted
by protectionism and beggared by volatile interest and exchange rates. How
free are we? How unaligned are we? 8. Freedom clearly needs to be
quantified as much as it has to be nurtured. It has to be managed like an
institution. On our own, singly, barring a few giants among us, we are
quite helpless. Our strength and our ability to act lies in our collective
will and voice. In concert and on well-prepared grounds, the voice of this
Movement spanning Latin America, Africa and Asia and a part of Europe will
resound strong and powerful. It will then take on the quality of a moral
force tied to principles that we committed ourselves to twenty five years

9. But how often have we spoken with one voice? Surely we must realise
that many of us have become partisan and biased in our views. We condemn a
breach of international behaviour because of a certain principle but when
the same breach is perpetrated by those we are inclined to be friendly
with, we lower our voices or become totally mute. The principle we uphold
seems flexible. That others do it too, the powers in the north, is no
excuse. They have brute strength. We depend on moral suasion.

10. Some condemn International Agreements for some commodities and refuse
to cooperate to stabilise prices while with other commodities that they
produce and export they form cartels alongside developed countries
even. In disarray, our moral authority and our voices become muted and in

Mr. Chairman, 

11. Malaysia condemns all foreign military intervention. We condemn all
attempts to install puppet regimes as an instrument of hegemony. We
condemn them in Asia, in Africa, in Europe or in Central
America. Naturally we are more concerned when these things happen close to
our shores. Naturally too, we are more concerned when it can escalate into
a direct threat towards us. But we condemn all attempts to use a military
solution in overcoming international problems or problems with neighbours.

12. We believe that the affairs within a country are not for foreign
nations to direct. We may not like the regime found in a neighbouring
country. We may condemn the regime for cruelty or lack of justice or
transgression of human rights. But we have no right to send our troops in
to install a Government to our liking.

13. Therefore Malaysia condemns such action and reserves the right to
support the ousted legitimate Governments politically in their attempts to
regain control of their country. We feel that this Movement should have a
united stand on this. Whether the aggression is perpetrated by the big
powers or by one of us, we should condemn it as a matter of
principle. Then and then only can we gain credibility and moral force as a
group of non-aligned nations.

14. In South East Asia we wish to establish a Zone of Peace, Freedom and
Neutrality or ZOPFAN. The continued presence of Vietnamese forces in
Kampuchea renders this objective impossible of achievement. We have
accordingly tried to persuade the Vietnamese to leave Kampuchea. We have
even tried to moderate the demands of the people of Kampuchea, so that
Vietnam can respond more easily.

15. Accordingly the Kampuchean leaders in exile have drawn up the Eight
Point Proposals recently, which we feel represent an important milestone
in the search of a framework for a comprehensive and durable political
solution to the problem. We, therefore, strongly urge Vietnam to carefully
and seriously reconsider the proposal in the interest of ending peacefully
their long drawn-out occupation of Kampuchea. Such a response from Vietnam
will surely promote confidence in Southeast Asia, thereby enhancing the
prospects for peace and stability in the region while at the same time
paving the way for mutually beneficial co-operation between Vietnam and
all states of Southeast Asia, particularly the ASEAN countries. We can
then create a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality in South East Asia
that can benefit us.

Mr. Chairman, 

16. While this occupation of Kampuchea continues, my delegation is
disappointed that once again the delegation of that unfortunate country is
unable to take its rightful place at this Summit. My delegation cannot
accept the so-called 'consensus' to create a vacant seat for Kampuchea
perpetrated at the Havana Summit in 1979. It will be recalled that at the
New Delhi Summit in 1983 we agreed to request the Co-ordinating Bureau to
examine and make appropriate recommendations to this Summit regarding the
seating of Kampuchea, including the criteria and procedures for the
suspension or expulsion of members of our Movement. We regret to note that
this has not been done and we would urge compliance with the decision and
the early return of Kampuchea to its Non-Aligned Movement seat.

Mr. Chairman, 

17. The situation in West Asia is an outstanding example of our inability
to act even marginally to contribute to a solution. The immovable obstacle
to peace in this area is Israel's continued rejection of attempts at
achieving a comprehensive political settlement which must include the
return of Arab territories, the right of Palestinians to
self-determination, and the right to return to their homeland.

18. Israel is able to continue its intransigence and complete defiance due
to the support of the United States. Israel's penchant for aggression and
violence knows no bounds. The whole world was witness to the awesome
destruction that it unleashed on Lebanon. Its readiness to display its
military might has been demonstrated repeatedly. Witness the impunity and
arrogance of its attack on Tunis in October last year, an act which the
United States termed 'legitimate self defence', an act which presaged the
subsequent U.S. bombing of Libya -- a blatant disregard for international
norms of behaviour.

19. The Tel Aviv regime continues to annex Arab lands through violations
and a variety of coercive measures. The thrust of Israel's policy is to
create a Palestinian diaspora, so that the land of the Palestinians will
be permanently annexed by Israel. The expulsion of Jews from the Holy Land
2000 years ago and the Nazi oppression of Jews have taught them
nothing. If at all it has transformed the Jews into the very monsters that
they condemn so roundly in their propaganda materials. They have been apt
pupils of the late Doctor Goebbels.

20. The situation in Lebanon is yet another result of Israeli
aggression. We extend our sympathies and solidarity to the brave people of
Lebanon, and we appeal to the various factions and communities in Lebanon
to reconcile their differences and deny the Tel Aviv regime any pretext
for intervention.

Mr. Chairman, 

21. The conflict between Iran and Iraq is a painful lesson to us. The
misery, death and destruction of both the peoples of Iraq and Iran have
continued to mount. Yet NAM initiatives and that of the Organisation of
Islamic Conference (OIC) and the UN have brought no results. Tragedy
shrouds the conflict. In the name of sanity and humanity, Iran and Iraq
must quit the battlefields and go to the negotiating table.

Mr. Chairman, 

22. Developments in Central America should also be of great concern to
us. East-West ideological conflict is raising its ugly head in the
region. Experiences in other parts of the world have proved beyond any
doubt that such imposition upon the genuine freedom of the peoples will
only lead to endless suffering and bondage. We believe that only through
genuine regional efforts, free from East-West ideological conflict, and in
the spirit of the Non-Aligned Movement, will durable peace and stability
in the region be achieved.

Hence we strongly support the efforts of the Contadora Group as the
representative of the region, to build regional cohesion and cooperation
as a means for promoting the long-term stability of the region.

Mr. Chairman, 

23. Another matter of utmost concern to my delegation is the massive
competition on the part of the superpowers to manufacture weapons of mass
destruction with scant regard for the safety of the rest of the world. The
arms race will impoverish everyone. This Movement must resolutely continue
with its pressure and exhortation for general and comprehensive
disarmament. In this respect, I commend the laudable efforts of India,
Pakistan, Argentina, Yugoslavia and Tanzania which have together with a
few non-members of the Movement kept the issue from becoming the exclusive
domain of the superpowers as well as serving as a voice of human reason.

Mr. Chairman, 

24. If we are to remain an essential determinant to the challenges of our
times, this Movement must respond effectively not only to issues of war
and peace or of economic well-being but also ones which until recently
were the exclusive turf of the developed countries. I am happy that since
I raised the issue of Antarctica in the Delhi Summit, much progress has
been made due to the Movement's heightened awareness and commitment.

25. The Movement has approached the issue with reason, moderation and
judiciousness. However, despite this attitude, it was not possible at the
Fourtieth United Nations General Assembly to arrive at a consensus with
the Treaty Parties. With the overwhelming support of Non-Aligned
countries, the UN had adopted the three resolutions which merely sought
additional information and an updated and expanded study, for information
on the Minerals' negotiations and for response from the Consultative
Parties for the exclusion of South Africa from participation as a
Consultative Party.

26. We seek confrontation with no one. We do not threaten the security
interests of the Consultative Parties. We do not desire to destroy the
present system. But we insist that the existing treaty system is
inadequate, deficient and not in harmony with the development of
international relations and needs.

27. The importance of Antarctica to all humanity is beyond
debate. Antarctica should indeed be an internationally accepted regime
managed in the interest of all Mankind; and we remain committed to working
towards this objective with all interested parties, including the
Consultative Parties, in the spirit of goodwill and understanding.

Mr. Chairman, 

28. Another issue which has developed significantly and emerged as a major
problem for both the Movement and the UN is Drugs. Malaysia views the drug
problem as a major threat to the security and well-being of the
country. Drugs have been used in the past to subjugate a country. We do
not wish to be colonised once again or to have our security and economy
undermined. Accordingly we have promulgated the death penalty against drug
traffickers. We make no apology for this punishment. The traffickers are
killing our people and causing untold misery. They deserve the death
penalty, irrespective of colour.

29. Malaysia therefore welcomes the endorsement of the Non-Aligned
Movement for the convening of the International Conference on Drug Abuse
and Illicit Trafficking in Vienna in June 1987. Such a Conference will
heighten international awareness of the need for global action. If
concerted global action is to be effective, there must be commitment at
the highest political level.

30. Malaysia calls upon all countries, especially the developed and
industrialised countries, to do a great deal more towards eradicating the
drug menace. The developed and industrialised countries are better endowed
with resources to embark upon an all-out war against drugs. After all it
is because of their affluence that drug trafficking is so lucrative. We
feel that the only way to destroy drug trafficking is to internationalise
the work of destroying the source of drugs.

Mr. Chairman, 

31. We hear frequently that the world is going through an economic
recession. This is not true. It is only the developing countries which
rely on export of commodities that are having a recession. The developed
countries are actually better off now than ever before. Not only are they
selling their manufactured goods at higher prices but they have saved in
1985 some 100 billion US dollars because of the fall in prices of all the
commodities they bought from poor countries. They are rich because we have
been forced to subsidise them.

32. The terms of trade have become much worse with the commodity producers
getting less than half the manufactured goods they got in 1960 from the
same amount of commodity exported. The worse is yet to come as new
technology eliminates the need for numerous raw materials or reduces the
quantities required. Glass fibres have rendered copper obsolete, while
paper, glass, plastics and alluminium have displaced tin as packaging
material. New technology has also brought about a glut of all commodities
-- undermining the prices further.

33. On top of all this we have the problem of dealing with wildly
fluctuating exchange rates. Thus when Europe and the North American
countries decided to push up the Yen in order to balance their trade,
Malaysia's debts increased by 50% from Yen revaluation. Fluctuating
exchange rates has also stimulated speculations in currencies. Anxious to
make a fast multi-million bucks, banks have been known to push the
currencies of poor countries down. These countries are then forced to use
up all their foreign exchange savings to shore up the value of their

34. We have been brainwashed until we are convinced of the virtues of free
trade. But now that we have learnt to make a little money from free trade,
the erstwhile proponents of free trade have resorted to quotas,
restrictions, counter-vailing duties, non-tariff barriers, etc. to kill
us. Divided as we are and incapable of depending on our meagre domestic
market we can do nothing but bemoan our fate.

35. We have tried to have a dialogue with the North with the intention of
creating a New International Economic Order but we have failed to make any
headway. It is for this reason that Malaysia hosted the South II
Conference in May this year. The participants represent no one but
themselves. But they are dedicated to the cause of the South and to
finding solutions to the ills that plague us.

36. We learnt a lot about the problems of the South, their causes and the
possible ways of overcoming them. It was suggested that an Independent
Commission of the South should be set up to study and propose solutions to
the multifarious economic and financial problems plaguing the countries of
the South. It should set out concrete steps for South-South
cooperation. It should complement and possibly supplement the cooperative
efforts undertaken within and outside the NAM and G-77 framework, which we
generally support. Its only distinction is that it will be an independent
commission unrelated and not answerable to any national Government,
private organisation or international institution. Its members will serve
in their personal capacities.

37. For this purpose the Conference set up a Steering Group, which I was
invited to chair, to do the necessary groundwork. I have been deeply
gratified, Mr. Chairman, by the support that you yourself, Dr. Kenneth
Kaunda, Mr. Rajiv Gandhi and many others in the front rank of the
Non-Aligned Movement, have given to the idea of the Independent

38. It is my great honour to inform you, Sir, that His Excellency
Dr. Julius Nyerere has agreed to be the Chairman of the Independent
Commission of the South on Development Issues. I call upon all the
countries of the South, so many of whom have expressed their support for
the Independent Commission, to give wholehearted support to the efforts of
Dr. Nyerere and the Commission he heads. If it is not going to be yet
another academic exercise we must translate our support into political
commitment and action. We owe this to ourselves.

Mr. Chairman,

39. I have taken the liberty of leaving the most important reason for our
Summit here in Harare for the last. I refer of course to apartheid, a
warped system that grew out of demented minds, brought to Africa by
colonisers and perpetuated by the Pretoria regime. To my mind the time to
equivocate on the merits and demerits of sanctions is well past. In
dealing with the Pretoria regime, we must strip ourselves of all
illusions. We can only break that regime's back with relentless economic
and political pressure. Sanctions, complete and directed at what will hurt
most is the final weapon, to complement the valiant efforts of Africans in
South Africa, and in the frontline states. Unfortunately sanctions will
only really bite if we can manage to get all the countries that still
traffic with South Africa for various questionable gains to join
us. Half-hearted, selective and voluntary efforts will not do. We must
direct our appeal and our exhortation principally to the United States,
Britain, the Federal Republic of Germany and Japan though there are others
that have managed to avoid scrutiny. We call on these four and the others
to act in the name of humanity to join us in dismantling apartheid and
establishing majority rule. For the members of NAM, the only course is to
rally behind the frontline states to help in all ways possible to cushion
the effects of Pretoria's retaliation.

Mr. Chairman, 

40. That there will be retaliation, we have no doubt. Pretoria has long
sought, with foreign friends, to destabilise the Southern African region
in order to perpetuate its primacy. We must expose these attempts and we
must help our brother Africans who are the victims. I call on the Movement
to determine a programme of action to be undertaken and financed
collectively to prepare Black Africans for that eventual goal of a free
South Africa with majority rule. Let us help to train the administrators,
captains of industry and professionals for that eventual goal. Let us
disabuse those critics who think so little of us by committing ourselves
to the creation of a multi-racial South Africa with guaranteed political
freedom for all, blacks, browns and whites. Let us silence our critics and
our enemies who deride us and aver that the alternative to apartheid is
chaos. These are smear campaigns by apologists of Pretoria, fighting
rearguard actions when they must know that there could be only one ending,
victory for the right and the just. Let us commit the Movement to all
these and provide clear signals from Harare that apartheid is in its death

Mr. Chairman,

41. For the past quarter of a century this Movement has sustained
itself. We have evolved from the idealism and fervour of our own
successful struggles for independence. The challenges of the future will
be as great as the trials of the past. The picture that now confronts us
is daunting, the issues complex and multi-faceted. We will be tested, the
Non-Aligned Movement will be tested, to the full. We owe it to the
pioneers of the Movement twenty five years ago to ensure that we live up
to what is expected of us. We owe it to ourselves to maintain fully our
credibility and to move forward to new frontiers in this age of
unprecedented human progress.

Thank you.