Oleh/By		:	DATO' SERI DR. MAHATHIR BIN MOHAMAD 
Tempat/Venue 	: 	THE SHANGRI-LA HOTEL, KUALA LUMPUR 
Tarikh/Date 	: 	07/08/89 
Tajuk/Title  	: 	THE TENTH CONVENTION OF THE 
			MALAYSIAN ECONOMIC ASSOCIATION 




 Dato' Dr. Lin See Yan,
     President of the Malaysian Economic
     Association;
Distinguished Guests;
Ladies and Gentlemen.
    I  am  pleased to be here this morning to officiate the
opening of the Tenth Convention of  the  Malaysian  Economic
Association.      The   theme  of  this  year's  Convention:
"Malaysian  Economy  Beyond  1990:   An  International   and
Domestic  Perspective" is both timely and topical.  Much has
been  discussed  in  the  media  on this subject, and it has
become,  in  recent  months,  a prime  reoccupation  of  the
Government, the private sector and other interested groups.
2.   As  we  approach  the  decade of the nineties, we have,
perforce, to bring along with us a chain of economic  events
which will influence what and how we do things tomorrow.  On
the  international  front,  the  catastrophe  of  the global
debt   crisis;   collapse  of commodity prices and worldwide
recession in the early years of the 1980s, and then again in
the mid-1980s,  has  catapulted  industrial  and  developing
countries  alike  into  situations  wherein  basic  economic
adjustments must be made in order to survive. Likewise,  the
floating  exchange rates have provided opportunities for the
powerful nations to regulate their own and the economies  of
other  nations  through  the  group  of  Seven.  In terms of
economic growth itself, the  major industrial countries were
very  divergent in their output performance at the beginning
of the  1980s.  While  North  America  was  struggling  with
negative  growth,  Japan  was  forging  ahead with  real GNP
growth of  well over 4%;  Western  Europe ranked  roughly in
between. Today,   the   differentials   in growth rates have
narrowed  significantly.  Japan  continues  to grow far more
strongly at  around 5%,  but at  least the United States and
Europe  are not  trailing  too far behind with their 3 to 4%
rates  of expansion.  All this is helping to restore greater
balance in the trade  positions of the OECD countries, which
to some degree contribute towards greater stability  in  the
international  environment.
3.   But  a  disturbing  trend  is  the  assumption  by  the
advanced industrial nations, the new  Seven Sisters, of  the
role  of  regulators of  the  world's  economy.  Within  the
developed countries themselves, interest groups are  forming
effective  blockades  against  imports  of  palm  oil   from
developing countries for example.    On  a   broader  scale,
regional trading blocs are also rapidly emerging.  In  North
America,  we have the free-trade pact between Canada and the
United States.  By 1992, a possible  "Fortress  Europe"  may
emerge  when the EEC forms a single European economic market
bolstered by some form of  financial  union.    And  Eastern
Europe  might  very  well  take  a  leaf  from their western
neighbours and form another  European  economic  bloc.  This
trend    towards   polarisation    will   have  far-reaching
implications on economic behaviour worldwide, and may effect
the economic survival of some.
4.   There  is  also a proposal for some form of cooperation
among countries of the Pacific Rim.  Nebulous at the moment,
it  has  nevertheless  evoked  a  sharp  reaction  from  the
Europeans,  who  warned  that  they  will  not  tolerate the
formation  of  a  trading  bloc  in the East.  It would seem
that everyone is jittery about everyone  else, and  everyone
is  denying  that  their  particular  bloc  would become  an
economic  fortress. Still, the  question  must be asked; why
are these countries coming  together to form richer and more
powerful   economic entities?  Is it to help the world or to
help themselves? When the European countries formed the EEC,
a lot  of  countries  lost  their  traditional  markets  for
wool, mutton, beef, food grains and sugar.  Can  we  believe
the protestations of all these spokesmen?
Ladies and gentlemen,
5.   Let  me  now  turn to issues closer to home.  1990 will
mark an important watershed in Malaysian history.    By  the
end  of  next  year, we  would  have  completed  the 20-year
Outline Perspective Plan (OPP).  This is a time  for  taking
stock  of  our  achievements  and  failures, and  to set new
directions for the decade ahead. It is  precisely  for  this
reason  that  the  National  Economic  Consultative  Council
(NECC) was established to provide an avenue  for  Malaysians
from  all walks of life to contribute to nation building; to
devise a unity of purpose in the thrust of policy directions
after  1990.  Supplementing  this   forum  are  a  host   of
spontaneous conferences, seminars  and  dialogues, very much
like  this  one,  organised  to  refine ideas and contribute
towards consensus making in an open positive way.  Obviously
the  Government cannot incorporate everyone's ideas.  But it
will be better able to judge what and what not to do.  On my
part, I would like to share with you today, my own  thoughts
on  some  of the major challenges that lie ahead and on what
needs to be done to ensure continued growth  and  prosperity
for all Malaysians.
Ladies and gentlemen,
6.   Without  a doubt, the decade of the 1990s will herald a
new era for the Malaysian economy, with new  challenges  and
opportunities  aplenty.   The  Mid-Term  Review of the Fifth
Malaysia Plan reckons that the economy will continue to grow
strongly in 1989-90, after a surge in growth of close to  9%
in  1988.   Latest indicators suggest that this growth trend
can be sustained, at least until  the  early  years  of  the
1990s.   Our optimism on the 1990s is founded on our current
performance.
7.   The current economic expansion  has  remained  well  on
track  and  market  confidence  has  since improved further.
Demand  for  goods  and  services are robust, and reasonable
gains  in  employment  and  output  have  pushed  levels  of
resource  utilisation higher than we had expected.  Further,
there are signs that the unemployment rate has begun to fall
though  at a  pace slower than  we  would  have  liked.  The
growth of the manufacturing sector continues to be sustained
at double digit rates;  indeed,  the  average  manufacturing
capacity  utilisation rate has risen to levels which we have
not seen since the early 1980s.
8.   It  is  well  worth  remembering  at  this  stage  that
although  recession  brought  numerous economic problems,  a
redeeming feature is  the  low inflation rate of roughly 1%.
The obvious reason was low demand for  goods  and  services.
Now  that growth has returned we are seeing higher inflation
figures.  Demand is clearly on  the  up-trend  as  affluence
boosts the market for local as well as imported goods.  Wage
demands will push up the inflation figures further.  We have
a  choice  of  either keeping inflation low by continuing to
restrain  demands  or  if  we  prefer  to  enjoy an affluent
lifestyle  then  we  must accept higher inflation.  Whatever
happens we must never  allow  ourselves  to  be  trapped  in
a    wage-price  spiral.  If we earn more either as wages or
profits  we  must save some at least in order to finance new
investments.    This  way  growth  will  not  be  invariably
accompanied by the kind of high inflation rates  which  will
render  our  improved earnings meaningless.   Here it is not
only the Government which must be prudent, the people  as  a
whole  must  develop  a  culture  compatible with steady and
sustained prosperity.
9.   Looking  beyond  the  first  half  of 1990, the outlook
could still  remain  buoyant,  so long as  the  major  world
economic  blocs  do  not  turn  too  unfriendly,  and try to
resolve  their  economic and political problems by taking it
out of the developing economies. The achievement of the goal
of  balanced  expansion  and  low  inflation should still be
possible.  Towards this end, you can expect public policy in
1989 to be supportive of continued stable growth.  Financial
and  regulatory measures will be taken to reduce the rate of
inflation  while the focus of Government expenditure will be
on  the  provision  of  infrastructure needs of an expanding
economy.  We will  need to establish an environment in which
expectations of price changes in the Consumer Price Index or
CPI are small enough and gradual enough  that  they  do  not
materially  influence  the pricing decisions of enterprises.
The  process  of  preventing   unreasonable  growth  in  CPI
requires  some  degree  of  public understanding of the role
they   must play in keeping demand in  line  with  potential
total  supply.  It  is  a  fallacy to think that  taxes  and
regulations by  the  Government alone can do this.  If there
is a demand  the  private  sector  can always get around any
regulation.
Ladies and gentlemen,
10.  While the  economic  prospects  will  remain  good,  we
should  not  allow ourselves to be lulled into a false sense
of complacency.  For one thing, these forecasts are premised
on a "soft-landing" scenario for the world economy, with the
major industrial   economies acting with  responsibility  to
reduce  their  fiscal  and trade imbalances, and effectively
co-ordinating their macro-economic policies to avoid another
bout of recession or inflation, or both.   These things  are
beyond  our  control.   But, what is within our influence is
how Malaysian entrepreneurs identify  and  seize  a  growing
share  of  the  ever increasing size of world trade over the
next few years.
11.  Notwithstanding  the  increasing  polarisation  of  the
world into major economic blocs dominated by the big powers,
the opportunities that exist for profitable ventures in both
exports  and  domestic  value- added industries can still be
tremendous.  The EEC's  single  European  market   by   1992
will  afford  a  barrier-free  market of 320-million people.
This assumes, of course, that the EEC is not bent on tearing
down internal trade barriers only to build  them  externally
against  outside  competitors.   To guard against being shut
out of a possible "Fortress"  Europe,  we  should  start  to
build  our bridges and reinforce our alliances now.  Here, I
am thinking specifically of promoting  vigorous  cross-flows
of  investments.    We  will need to redouble our efforts to
foster  the  flow  of  European  direct  investment  in  our
manufacturing  and  tourism sectors. European investors must
be  persuaded to  produce  here  for their own markets.  And
should  opportunities arise, I would also encourage our  own
entrepreneurs  to  set  up  plants  or  buy into enterprises
in  Europe and elsewhere abroad, also with  the  purpose  of
gaining  a  viable  foothold in these markets and benefiting
from their policies.   We have to be  a  fairly  significant
force  in the  economic life of  America  and  Europe, while
assiduously strengthening our ties in the East.  To  do  all
these we must have a global outlook and we must put in place
the necessary economic foundations of our country.
12.  We  have  to  be  realistic.  Before  any  European  or
American  investors  would  want  to  set up their plants in
Malaysia,  or  for  that  matter,  before  the Japanese, the
Koreansand the Taiwanese can be convinced to  relocate their
production bases here, they will want to see  political  and
financial stability, good infrastructure, productive labour,
and living conditions of a reasonably high standard. Indeed,
events  in  China  lately  clearly  emphasised  the   rising
importance  of  political  stability  in  the arithmetic  of
potential  investors.    If  what  I  have  just  enumerated
represents a checklist of the conditions  for  international
competitiveness,  then  Malaysia should measure up well.  In
fact, a recently published report by the Geneva-based  World
Economic  Forum  on  international  business competitiveness
ranks Malaysia  rather  high  in  the  Asia-Pacific  region.
Malaysia received good ratings for low inflation, reasonable
domestic  investment,  administrative  decentralisation  and
commitment to improving its  infrastructure.    Furthermore,
the  recently completed    Article   IV   IMF  Consultations
Mission  gave  us  the  distinct  credit  for, and I  quote,
"effective  economic  management".   It ends its  concluding
remarks by saying that their "discussions  .....  have given
them  full  confidence that this will be equally true in the
future".
13.  However,  global  competitiveness  is  a  very  dynamic
phenomenon. It  goes beyond merely having natural resources,
skilled labour, ample domestic capital, good  infrastructure
and  political stability.  More important is how Government,
business and labour cooperate and coordinate  their  efforts
towards   promoting    the    national    cost    advantage.
Confrontation as a solution to the problem of human relation
has been proven to be not only  ineffective   but   actually
destructive.  The  idea that only a show of strength can win
for  labour  better  compensation  is  outmoded.  Wages   in
countries  where such an approach is not possible have risen
far  higher  than  in  countries  where  labour  unions  are
powerful.  It  is  imperative  that  a  new modus vivendi be
developed between labour and management. Government too must
play a positive  role in a triumvirate dedicated to national
development  in  the  interest  of  all the three.   Labour-
management councils within companies  must  be set up tasked
not only with workers' welfare  but  the  well-being  of the
whole organisation. It must always  be  remembered  that  an
organisation that fails can bring no benefit to labour or to
anyone else.
14.  We are doing well today more because  the  depreciation
of  the  ringgit  against  the  currencies  of  our  trading
partners has made our products competitive.  Had the ringgit
remained as strong as it was it  is  unlikely  that  we will
export  as  much as we do now, in terms of volume as well as
earnings.  Fortunately the depreciation of the  ringgit  has
not  affected  our  people  too  badly.  This is because our
inflation  rate  was  low  especially  during the recession.
Exchange  rate  changes are irrelevant as long as we can buy
the  same  amount  of  goods  with the same amount of money.
Unfortunately  the  very  prosperity  brought  about by  the
ringgit's    competitiveness   will   make   its   effective
devaluation felt by the people. With affluence we will  want
to  buy more of imported goods and we are going to find that
in terms of   ringgit these goods are very expensive indeed.
Now  we are  going  to  feel the effect of the exchange rate
and  imported  inflation. The  only  way  out is to be  more
productive, the only true solution to remaining competitive.
We cannot rely on our weak ringgit forever.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
15.  Now  a  word about the Newly Industrialising Countries,
or  the  Newly  Industrialising  Economies,  or  the  little
dragons  and  the little tigers.  It would seem that some of
us would like to be conferred with these titles invented and
spread by the western media.
16.  When the term NIC was first used by the  media  it  was
regarded  as  complimentary.   It was literally a pat on the
back for under-developed countries which had managed to drag
themselves  up  by   their  bootstraps.   Predictably   many
countries  would like to be so categorised -- it is good for
the  national ego.
17.  But the group of 7 rich countries soon  latched  on  to
this  term to put a brake to these 'Johnny come lately'.  By
whatever means possible the  developing  countries  must  be
prevented  from  becoming developed.   Japan had caught them
unaware.  It became developed while the developed  countries
were still thinking about people who could only say "Ah-so".
They,  the  developed  countries,  were  not  going  to  let
anyone else catch them napping again.
18.  And  so countries were categorised as NIC and had their
GSP privileges withdrawn, export quotas imposed,  currencies
revalued  upwards and their so-called 'human rights' records
scrutinised and invariably found wanting.  'Exploitation' of
labour was 'discovered' and 'exposed'.  Even the  burden  of
helping  other  developing  countries was pressed upon these
NICs.
19.  The effect is to stunt the growth of these countries by
reducing their competitiveness and access to markets.    The
chances     are    that  these  countries   will languish in
their NIC status and never become fully developed.
20.  Of  course,  Malaysia  will  one day reach the stage of
development of the so-called NIC. We cannot very  well  stop
growth  just  before that.  In any case even before we reach
anywhere near this stage of development  what  is  there  to
prevent  the  rich  countries  from  lowering  the  net  and
catching us. Presently US$7,000 per capita is supposed to be
the   cut-off point.  But already some magazines  have  said
that  with  US$3,000 per capita, a country should already be
classified as an NIC.  And with that all the pressures  will
be brought to bear.
21.  The  question  is why should there be this intermediate
classification,       this categorisation as NIC?  When  the
rich countries were on their way up did anyone call them NIC
and  then  put  obstacles in their way?  What right have the
rich to arbitrarily take action against any country which is
progressing well?  Who gave them the mandate?  Is there some
international law or consensus that the rich are required to
enforce?
22.  The rich western liberals always talk about  democracy.
They  are  always  saying  that developing countries are not
democratic.  What  is  democratic  about   their   arbitrary
decision  to  categorise  other  countries  and  take action
against  them?  Were these countries given a proper hearing?
Who determines the criteria?
23.  We do not want to be an  NIC  because  we  think  there
should   be   no  such  term.    There  should  be  no  such
categorisation and there should be no  such  discrimination.
We  do  not need the title.  Every country should be free to
grow economically and be as rich as the  richest  or  richer
still.   For so long as there is no unfair trading practices
countries should be left alone to develop.
24.  Already Malaysia has been invited to conferences of the
NIC's, the near NIC's and the developed countries.  We  have
refused  to attend.  We see in this an attempt to categorise
us and to penalise us for our economic performance.  We  see
in the NIC a ruse to stifle our progress.
25.  The problem is that many Malaysians are very anxious to
be  called  an NIC.  If  we  accept  the  label then we must
accept the strictures that go with it. Why are we doing this
to ourselves?
26.  Can  I  call upon fellow Malaysians to refuse the label
NIC.  We are interested  in  growing  but  they can keep the
title and what goes with it.
27.  We are going to protest about the  unfairness  of  this
categorisation as NIC.  It is bad enough that in the process
of  solving  their  trading  problems  with  Japan they have
doubled  our  foreign loans.  Now they are trying to justify
future discrimination which  would  retard  our  growth  and
condemn us to being less developed than we are capable of.
Ladies and gentlemen,
28.  I hope I have made myself clear and helped  reduce  the
misunderstanding  caused  by my statement the other day.  It
is not that we do not want economic growth any more.  It  is
just that we do not like categorisations and labels aimed at
limiting our future growth.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
29.  Allow  me now to venture a little into the issue of the
NEP, a subject which is, I am sure, of  particular  interest
to  all  of  you,  especially as 1990 approaches.  There are
critics who  denounce  the  NEP  as  a failure and  hold  it
responsible for   all  sorts    of problems and difficulties
faced by the country in recent  years.    For  reasons  best
known only to themselves, these people have chosen to ignore
the  very  substantial achievements brought about by the NEP
in reducing poverty and correcting  imbalances  between  the
races.    Within  a short span of less than 20 years the NEP
has succeeded in bringing down the incidence of poverty from
nearly 50% of all households in 1970 to  less  than  20%  by
1988.    Granted,  much  more  needs  to be done to free the
remaining 650,000 poor households from the grips of poverty.
But,  it must be recognised that important progress has been
achieved, and this will provide us with a strong  and  solid
foundation  on  which  to ensure significant progress in the
future.
30.  At the same time, there are those who contend that  the
NEP  has  come close enough to achieving its objectives and,
therefore, there is no more need for it.  We have repeatedly
mentioned  the  important  role  of  political  stability in
promoting  economic  growth. The  fact is that it is the NEP
which has made political stability possible after  the  race
riots  of 1969.  Such was the stability during the period of
the NEP that actually economic growth is higher  during  the
NEP years than before the NEP was formulated.
31.  In  Malaysia  it  would be fatal to ignore the economic
disparities between the races and consequently to do nothing
to correct these imbalances.  Because we are stable  now  it
is  easy to think  that  the  stability  is unrelated to the
NEP.  The  suggestions  to  drop  the  NEP altogether is the
result of this  kind of shallow thinking.   We have achieved
only 66% of the 30% target for wealth  distribution  to  the
bumiputeras   under  the  NEP.    The  expectations  of  the
bumiputeras have not been fulfilled.  They may be  at  fault
themselves but other factors outside their control were also
responsible.  It  would  be  a  mistake  to  dismiss   their
perceptions  as  irrelevant to the future prosperity of this
country.
32.  One of the reasons for the partial failure of  the  NEP
was  its  use  as  a  convenience and not as a policy.  Both
bumiputeras and non-bumiputeras regard the NEP  not  as   an
instrument   of   social   and economic engineering but as a
means to get rich quick.  Thus while the bumiputeras invoked
the  NEP  in  order  to  get licences and contracts from the
Government  for  themselves,  their  participation   stopped
there. The licences were sold to non-bumiputeras and so were
the  contracts.  Having received a return on this sale  they
had  nothing  more to do with the actual business.  Instead,
they would demand for more licences and more contracts.
33.  The non-bumiputeras for their part were only too  happy
to  be  freed  from bumiputera active participation once the
licences or the contracts were obtained.   They  were  happy
merely to use bumiputera names and front men whose role were
very limited.
34.  It  is  true  that  there were bumiputeras who actively
participated but these were the exception  rather  than  the
rule.  The net result is a continuing serious weakness among
the  bumiputeras  in  business,   particularly  in   project
implementation and management. Their poor performances  have
caused  massive  losses  to  the Government brought about by
delays  and  sometimes total failures to carry out contracts
and other commitments. After nearly 20 years of the NEP they
have neither credibility nor  acceptance  even  among  other
bumiputeras.  The private sector shun them.  The wealth that
some  of  them acquired and which many flaunt vanished under
the slightest threat.  The recent recession made nearly  all
of them bankrupt and those that are not are heavily in debt.
35.  The  NEP  has  been interpreted by both the bumiputeras
and  the  non-bumiputeras  as  an  exercise  in pure  wealth
distribution.   But  wealth  in the hands of those unable to
manage  it  does  not last.  The more important thing is the
build  up of management skill in business.   With management
skill  even  limited wealth can be made to last and to grow.
Without it wealth is soon dissipated. This is what  happened
with bumiputera individuals during the NEP.
36.  If  we  are going to solve the disparity problem in the
future, both bumiputeras and non-bumiputeras  must  help  in
making bumiputeras better businessmen.  The bumiputeras must
participate and the non-bumiputeras must insist  that  they,
the  bumiputeras, participate meaningfully in the management
of companies and  projects  after  they  have  obtained  the
licences  or the contracts.  Indeed, even if they do not get
the Government contracts or licences for the companies  they
should  be   employed  and  put  to   work   to   contribute
meaningfully to their keep.
37.  The  Government  too  will  insist  on  evidence   that
bumiputeras   are   making   knowledgeable    and   positive
contributions   before   helping   them  with  licences  and
contracts. It is  not  necessary  for  bumiputeras  to  harp
on  being 100%   bumiputeras.  Even if they make up  only  a
minority in a  business  but their contribution is positive,
the Government will look with favour.
38.  While the goal of the 30%  share  of  the  economy  for
bumiputeras is important, it is much more important for them
to  have  the skill to manage their new wealth.  This, to my
mind, is the area that all must focus on in  the  post  1990
period.
39.  Restructuring  is  premised  on growth, and growth must
depend  on  a  dynamic  private  sector.  The Government has
provided  the  necessary preconditions and stimuli; and will
continue  to do so.  Much of what is  necessary  is  already
in place  but the size of private investment needed annually
is   massive.  This year's expenditure on private investment
will  reach  $17.5  billion  of which $4.4  billion  or  25%
represent  investment  in  the manufacturing sector.    This
annual flow of new fixed private capital spending will  need
to grow,  consistent  with GNP growth.  Our priority must be
to see  to  it  that such flows do in fact take place in the
form of both foreign and domestic investment outlays. Unless
we  succeed, our economic cake will  not  grow  sufficiently
to  make  restructuring  significant.   It is important that
the    objective to restructure society must be seen in  the
right context.
40.  It  is  with  this  in  mind  that  the  Government has
introduced various measures to liberalise and deregulate its
management of the economy. We aim to  create  an  attractive
investment  climate.    Already  the  results  are palpable.
There is now a big surge in the number of applications  from
foreign  and local investors to expand their capacity and to
invest their capital into new projects,  especially  in  the
manufacturing sector.
Ladies and gentlemen,
41.  At  this juncture, it is rather premature to talk about
the exact form and substance of  a  successor  to  the  NEP.
Such  an  important  decision  affecting  the  future of all
Malaysians will, of necessity, take time.  Consensus  making
is  never easy.   We must all be ready to contribute as much
as possible  in  order  to  draw attention to our needs.  An
integrated and balanced economic policy after 1990 is  still
possible.
42.  The  post  1990 economic policy will continue to ensure
that  private  initiative can firmly assume the role of  the
principal  engine  of  growth  now  that  the  role  of  the
Government  will  be  downgraded.  This  will  mean that the
Government  will  continue  to adopt a liberal  approach  in
implementing its  development policies  and particularly its
policies on  equity ownership.  I believe that this approach
will enable the economy to generate the growth in employment
and incomes   that  are  so  essential towards achieving the
objectives  of   reducing   poverty  and  restructuring  the
society.  The  size  of the cake must be made to grow bigger
and bigger so that we have more to distribute.  Our ultimate
objective remains the fostering of  national  unity  through
balanced and dynamic growth.
43.  Still, it will be unrealistic to rely entirely  on  the
market  mechanism  as  the  sole  avenue  for redressing the
social  inequalities  in  the  economy.  A certain degree of
Government  intervention  will  continue  to be necessary to
deal  with  these  problems.  The Government will  therefore
intervene where  necessary  by using its resources to assist
the  less fortunate sections of the society,  in  particular
the poverty  groups.   Indeed, we will need to hedge against
the  vagaries  of  market  forces with some  compassion  and
humanity.  The future of multi-racial harmony  and  national
unity  in  this  country  will  still  depend  much  on  the
Government' s role  in  creating a "caring society".  Enough
care to protect the rights of the weak without depriving the
risk  takers  of their earnings, has to be upheld.
Ladies and gentlemen,
44.  On  that  note,  I  wish  you  every  success  in  your
deliberations and look forward to sharing your new ideas and
insights, and  to  receiving  your  suggestions  towards the
formulation  of  the national agenda for 1990 and beyond.  I
now have great pleasure in declaring open the  Tenth  Annual
Convention of the Malaysian Economic Association.

 
 



 
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