Oleh/By : DATO' SERI DR. MAHATHIR BIN MOHAMAD
Tempat/Venue : CARTEGENA DE INDIAS, COLOMBIA
Tarikh/Date : 18/10/95
Tajuk/Title : THE ELEVENTH CONFERENCE OF HEADS OF
STATE OR GOVERMENT OF THE
NON-ALIGNED COUNTRIES
May I, firstly, congratulate you on your assumption as
the Chairman of the Non-Aligned Movement. My delegation and
I are happy to be here at this historic city of Cartagena as
our Movement celebrates its fortieth anniversary.
2. I would also like to express our deep appreciation to
the outgoing Chairman, H.E. President Soeharto of Indonesia,
who has provided invaluable leadership to the Movement at a
critical time as we entered the post Cold War period of the
1990s.
3. When we last met at Jakarta in 1992, we were caught in
the euphoria following upon the end of the Cold War. We
raised questions over the relevance of our Movement,
including the very name itself. That euphoria has
dissipated. The international situation has relapsed into
the old state of uncertainty. International leadership, be
it by the major powers or the United Nations, has become
vague as confrontations at the interstate and intra-state
levels increased. Questions have again been asked over the
role and relevance of the Non-Aligned Movement. Our
inability to collectively stand against the nuclear weapons
states over the Non-Proliferation Treaty last June has been
cited by our detractors as marking the beginning of the end
of the Movement.
4. NAM was forged 40 years ago to be the third force
between the two superpower blocs. NAM was designed to
play the pivotal role in liberating the world from those who
dominated it through colonialism and other forms of
hegemony. NAM was expected to promote democratic relations
among states and to help the growth of developing countries,
through enhanced South-South and North-South relations.
5. The political struggle has not been without
achievements; especially against colonialism and apartheid.
But the domination of the world by a select few remains.
This is evident in their control of the international
institutions that deal with issues of world security and
economy. The Security Council and the Bretton Woods
institutions remain under the firm grip of a few countries.
The domination now manifests itself in efforts to impose
their values and standards in total disregard for the
cultures and traditions of others. And so the fundamental
challenge to our Movement remains that of addressing the
domination of the world by a select few, now no longer
divided into opposing blocs, whose decisions are primarily
motivated by their own narrow national interests.
6. Let us at Cartagena send a clear message to our
detractors that NAM is still alive and intends to play a
major role in the post-cold war era. NAM is a major forum
for consultations and coordination of positions on crucial
political and economic issues among the developing
countries. It is still the only forum where Heads of State
and Government of the South can meet to take stock of
developments which affect all of us. NAM, on behalf of the
South, will continue to champion the just cause for a new
world order based on the principles of justice, equality and
democracy in international relations.
7. Apart from successfully fighting colonialism,apartheid
and other forms of racism, NAM has historically stood for
disarmament, both nuclear and conventional. We must join
forces with those outside our movement and continue to
struggle for total nuclear disarmament. NAM must be at the
forefront of humanity's efforts to outlaw nuclear weapons,
as chemical weapons have been outlawed. We must ban nuclear
weapons now for we doubt the future capacity of the nuclear
powers to defuse, decommission and destroy these weapons.
Already we are seeing the rusting nuclear warships probably
with nuclear weapons abandoned carelessly at their bases.
We know some nuclear submarines have been disposed of by
sinking them in the sea. Looking at Chernobyl and the $ 4
billion bill for making it safe, we truly fear that the
owners of these weapons may not have the will or the means
to defuse them safely later. It should be noted that the
disposal of chemical weapons and atomic waste in the Irish
sea after the War is already creating problems for the
littoral states. Improper disposal of massive quantities of
nuclear material and weapons may cause a disaster of
frightening proportion.
8. Admittedly, the South, which this Movement represents,
was never a single monolithic entity. It was a grouping of
nations with widely differing interests, united largely by a
common colonial past. Despite becoming independent and
sovereign, many of us in the South continue to be
economically weak and dependent on the North. Political
freedom has not cut loose the economic chains. High levels
of poverty -- pose the greatest threat to the very existence
of many of us.
9. Before the South can collectively demand that it be
taken seriously as a partner, and a player in the
international arena, it must confront and overcome its own
weaknesses. A shared colonial past cannot permanently
guarantee the unity and cohesion of the South.
10. Ethnic, tribal and religious differences have led to
the collapse of many governments, often culminating in
brutal and protracted civil wars. The freedom that we
gained at great cost and sacrifice has been squandered by
many of us. There is no place in our societies as there is
no place in any society for genocide, ethnic cleansing, or
other forms of oppression. Development, eradication of
poverty and the upliftment of our people, must be the
over-riding goals of the process of nation-building in the
South.
11. Many of us have spent billions on armaments and weapons
of destruction when we should be fighting malnutrition,
illiteracy and disease. The goal of sustaining national
integrity is better pursued through effective dispute
settlement mechanisms, preferably at regional level, without
external interferences nor an excessive reliance on
destructive armaments.
12. It is actually in the interest of the more prosperous
states of the world to help the most destitute. Economic
deprivation and social misery which destabilise poor nations
will result in massive migrations which may not always be
possible to stop. But we in the developing countries cannot
depend on the prosperous nations to help us against this
fate. We have seen them fail too many times to rely on
their enlightened self-interest. We have to do the right
things for ourselves.
13. Fortunately, for us the debilitating stranglehold of
political ideologies has been relaxed. The main concern for
everyone now is economic development and the well-being of
our people. All of us have some kind of economic resource.
The exploitation of these resources is relatively easy, now
that ideology no longer dictates and hamstrings the process.
We can institute internal reforms aimed at removing some of
the disincentives that are inherent in our systems. If we
are prepared to do this, we would reduce our dependence on
the developed nations and would be strengthening ourselves
and our movement as well.
14. Malaysia's experience has been that moderate policies
encourage investments and economic growth. The result is to
enhance our freedom and independence. It may bring the same
results for others. But we admit that what works for one
country may not work for another. Much depends on our
perceptions and culture. Still the exchange of information
on our experiences in development should be worthwhile.
15. The continued relevance of the Movement is dependent on
the promotion of a collective agenda. NAM must be at the
vanguard of our efforts to enhance ties between the member
countries as well as with the North. In this regard the
cooperative endeavours with the Group of 88, symbolised by
the Joint Coordination Committee, is a welcome development.
It should reduce duplication and ensure the advocacy of a
common programme on behalf of the South.
16. The role of think-tanks in the advancement of our
collective interests and positions needs to be recognised.
The South Centre under Mwalimu Nyerere, established after
the work of the South Commission was completed, has rendered
invaluable service to this Movement. We need to strengthen
this Centre without turning it into another bureaucracy.
17. In a world where national boundaries have been made
porous by business flows, it is timely for the South to
accord priority to the role of the business community. I
applaud your initiative, Mr. Chairman, to convene a Business
Forum during this meeting. Business-led growth is critical
to South-South relations. No amount of blueprints and
action plans can succeed if they are not anchored by the
captains of trade and industry.
18. Towards this end the role of the Group of 15 Developing
Countries has been significant. Organised after the NAM
meeting in Belgrade in 1989, the Group has been able to
identify and promote a number of innovative processes and
institutions which facilitate trade and commerce between the
members as well as with other countries of the South.
Significant among these innovations are the Bilateral
Payments Arrangements which can overcome the shortage of
foreign exchange needed for trade; the South Investment,
Trade and Technology Data Exchange Centre (SITTDEC) which
provides invaluable data for economic interaction between
the countries of the South, the Gene Banks and the
Educational Centres of Excellence in the South.
19. While South-South relations are significant, we should
not ignore or downplay our historical political solidarity
at the international level. NAM should not be reduced to
being a forum for seeking support for our candidatures.
This Movement has traditionally championed the cause of a
just and equitable world order. It has vigorously pursued
egalitarianism and social justice in addressing the
asymmetries in the multilateral system. The democratisation
of the multilateral system, including the reform of the
Security Council, has remained important objectives of this
Movement.
20. For the first time, the major powers are equally
anxious to have these reforms, although for different
reasons. It is important therefore that the South
articulates its own Agenda for Reform of the Multilateral
System. We cannot defend the status quo, which many of us
had no hand in its formulation nor in its effective
functioning.
21. The restructuring of the multilateral system should be
designed to facilitate a comprehensive multilateral
framework which will strengthen global peace, security,
economic growth and development. The institutional
structures that deal with issues of war and peace, growth
and development need to be reformed taking into account the
interests of developing countries.
22. We must ensure that the tragedies of Rwanda, Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Somalia and Cambodia are not repeated. The
present U.N. and the Security Council cannot be entrusted
with the task of forestalling such tragedies. In Bosnia
more than three years of brutalities and massacres by the
Serbs were tolerated while the U.N. and NATO argued over who
had more authority. Despite the delay, the U.S. Government
should be congratulated for forcing Nato and the U.N. to act
finally. The U.N. and the Secretariat have been more of an
obstruction to peace than upholding the principles of the
U.N. Clearly the U.N., its Secretariat and in particular
the Security Council must be reformed if the world is to be
made safe from the kind of gross injustices we see
everywhere today.
23. The South must remain united in facing the moves within
the North which seeks to portray the South either as objects
of pity and charity or as rising economic competitors. Some
within the North have advocated the enforcement of arbitrary
and unilateral conditionalities ostensibly to protect the
environment and safeguard the interest of labour. These sly
moves must be rejected for they are nothing more than
attempts to keep the South in permanent bondage by keeping
them continuously poor and unstable.
24. As we prepare to leave Cartagena, we must rededicate
our collective determination to promote our common agenda.
Our struggle for a better and more equitable world and a
secure future premised on the purposes and principles of the
U.N. Charter is far from over. We need to soldier on with
unabated zeal and resoluteness of purpose if we are to
realise these goals.
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