|
home Speechs in the year 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996 1995 1994 1993 1992 1991 1990 --> |
Oleh/By : DATO' SERI DR. MAHATHIR BIN MOHAMAD
Tempat/Venue : HOTEL ISTANA, KUALA LUMPUR
Tarikh/Date : 08/01/96
Tajuk/Title : THE SECOND PACIFIC DIALOGUE
When I was given the honour of addressing the first
Pacific Dialogue in Penang fourteen months ago, I spoke of
some of the achievements and aspirations of Malaysia, and
the continued contribution that we sought from our friends
abroad to realise our dream of becoming a fully developed
nation.
2. I also called for a common endeavour to foster a single
global commonwealth founded on the principle of cooperative
prosperity. Everyone should work together to make everyone
prosper. Throw out beggar-thy-neighbour policies. Adopt,
instead, prosper-thy-neighbour policies.
3. I urged too, the full participation of America and
Europe, indeed of all the world, in the phenomenal
development that is sweeping East Asia. We want all of the
world to come to East Asia, so that they might prosper. So
that we will prosper.
4. Finally, I called for much more mutual understanding,
mutual appreciation and mutual regard between our
civilisations, cultures and peoples. We have much to learn
from each other. We must take the best that each has to
offer the other. Instead of a barren clash of
civilisations, we should have a bounteous feast of
civilisations.
5. Today , I propose to dwell on just one general theme:
how we can together build a less fractious and more
cooperatively prosperous region. That I should choose such
a theme might seem somewhat odd and misplaced to some of us.
Indeed, not for a hundred years has the Pacific known so
much peace, and never in its entire history has it enjoyed
this much prosperity.
6. We spent much of this century as well as the last at
war and in strife. If not between us, then within our own
borders. Some of us were colonies for centuries.
Incidentally, we were not seen to be fit for democracy then.
Authoritarianism and totalitarianism were imposed on many of
us by very civilised democracies. Very much in the way
perhaps as that great thinker, Thomas Jefferson, could work
so diligently on "the rights of man" in his study -- and
then proceed to the front lawn to have tea and crumpets
served by servants who had no such rights, to gaze in
contentment and perhaps admiration at the remarkable
industriousness of the slaves in the field.
7. Some of the more advanced economies of the world were
situated in our region, but the large majority of us were
poor, terribly, wretchedly and desperately poor.
8. Today, the guns are for the most part silent. No shots
are being fired across borders. All states are essentially
at peace. Limited armed conflict afflicts only four of our
countries.
9. The improvement in our material welfare has been even
more dramatic. In 1990 the East Asian states had only 180
million absolute poor compared to 400 million two decades
earlier; this despite an increase in population of 425
million during the period. Many of us tripled and
quadrupled our real incomes in the last thirty years, a feat
unprecedented and unmatched by any other region in the
world. Or by any other experience in history.
10. Several more among us, who recently embarked on the
road to productive economic reform, are poised to take wing.
11. East Asia as a whole grew annually at an average rate
of 7.5 percent this decade; North America by 2.7 percent,
equal to the global average. The three largest economies in
the world in purchasing power parity terms -- the United
States, Japan and China -- are in the Pacific. We in the
Pacific produce more than half the world output of goods and
services.
12. There are some who think that the dynamism of East Asia
will be short-lived. Many, however, predict that East Asia
will continue to grow at a rapid pace even if growth
slackens as its economies begin to mature one after another.
I am one of these many optimists.
13. Many more millions will be rescued from poverty, and a
whole billion will have their economic livelihood
dramatically improved. Over the next twenty-five years,
unless something remarkably wrong happens, very probably
seven of the top ten economies will be located in our
region.
14. Apparently therefore, we are doing well. Why then do I
think that we should dwell on the need to foster a less
contentious and more cooperatively prosperous environment in
the region? The reason of course, is that what is good can
be improved and all is not quite well in the Pacific.
15. Peace with security, true peace, I believe, must be our
ultimate objective in the region. It must be a secure peace
which reposes in the human person, reigns in every home and
community, and washes on every Pacific shore. It is such a
vision of peace and security, comprehensive and inclusive,
enduring and resilient; that must be our guide.
16. To foster this peace will not be easy for quite a few
of us. It is a peace that will have to be built by many
hands, and some will be stronger and more capable than
others. It must be cultivated in many different political,
social, economic and cultural environments, some of them
quite daunting. And as is often the case, the burden will
lie most heavily on those least able to bear it.
17. To shore up our resilience we will need to continue our
fight against poverty. We must create jobs, raise incomes
and distribute our wealth more equitably. We must tend to
political grievances and remedy social ills. Stability will
need to rest on something more durable and less intimidating
than the point of a gun.
18. We in the Pacific have the distinction of being the
world's largest producer and consumer of narcotics. In 1993
we contributed half the global output. Everywhere the
problem is getting worse, not better. We must prevent drugs
- and disease -from gnawing at the vitals of our societies.
We must also rid our city streets of excessive crime, and
render safe our neighbourhoods.
19. As I said earlier, the responsibility for tending to
these matters rests largely with the respective governments
and peoples themselves. It is preposterous for anyone to
believe that the afflicted do not want or are less committed
to finding the remedies than the well wishers. But in a
rapidly globalising and interdependent world there is much
that we can - and indeed must - do to help each other as
well.
20. There is a tendency among the richer countries of the
region and industrial countries elsewhere to view the growth
of the East Asian economies with some nervousness and
disquiet. There is apprehension regarding the loss of
competitive edge and the erosion of economic primacy. A
shift in the balance of power is dreaded.
21. Such a situation provides rich breeding ground for old
fears that draw sustenance from racial and cultural
prejudice and past conflicts. It is tempting then to think
of various devices to contain or complicate the growth of
these economies. We seek out all the ways in which they are
ostensibly competing unfairly against us. We demand the
speedy dismantling of all protective measures. We ignore
the fact that although open and free trade would be in the
best interests of all, in the immediate term fragile and
emergent economies may need to protect some of their key
industries because their capacity to compete even on a level
playing field is weak. We exert pressures and impose
sanctions of various kinds when they are unable to oblige.
22. If we were asked, what are the primary external
security issues confronting the region at present, we would
without hesitation point to the Korean peninsula, the
Straits issue, and the South China Sea as among the most
prominent. Few people I think, would disagree with this.
But if we reflect upon the major issues that are creating
tension in the Pacific, we cannot but point also to the
disputes over trade and market access, and pressures exerted
in the name of human rights and the environment and through
social clauses. On two occasions in the last twelve months
the world watched with bated breadth as trade wars involving
some of the world's most powerful economies seemed imminent
and unavoidable.
23. It must surely be tellingly clear to all of us that
this manner of handling economic and security relations in
the region benefits none and hurts all concerned. The best
assurance for sustainable security in the developing East
Asian countries and in the larger Pacific region is the
healthy growth of their economies.
24. It is no secret for instance that Malaysia's success in
overcoming insurgency and preserving harmony is to a large
measure due to its rapid and sustained development and the
more equitable distribution of its wealth. Poverty breeds
discontent and unrest, and unstable states impact negatively
upon our welfare in many ways.
25. It is in our interest therefore to promote the economic
foundations of security in the region. But the benefits
also go beyond this. If the emancipation of the greatest
number of humanity is truly our objective, we should want
every country and especially the poorer ones, to prosper.
If democracy and human rights are really our concern, we
would promote development in every society, for democracy
and human rights flourish best when the economic
circumstances are most conducive.
26. The most persuasively powerful reason for prospering
our regional partners however, is our own economic interest.
We are witnessing the greatest transformation in history in
East Asia now. Far from being a threat and challenge, the
developing and reforming Pacific economies in fact offer
unparalleled opportunities for business and investment.
Some of the world's biggest and fastest growing markets for
the products of the industrial countries are in East Asia.
As millions of Asians accumulate greater purchasing power,
their demand for consumer goods and services will multiply.
Under these circumstances the economies best placed to reap
the greatest benefit are in fact those of the developed
world. They have the resources and the technology. It
would be a grievous mistake indeed if we failed to
appreciate this and chose instead to ignore Asia. Or worse,
if we opted to we can take the path of confrontation and
containment.
27. Economics transform many things. Systemic changes in
the way we secure our own good and produce our goods and
services have over time led to changes in the way we
organise our societies, manage our politics and order
relations between communities and states. In this regard,
where once we were less dependent upon external trade and
markets, our economies are now increasingly and irrevocably
intertwined. Here in the Pacific fully 70 percent of our
total trade is with each other. Trade among East Asian
economies has grown very rapidly and stood at 49 percent of
our global trade last year compared to 37 percent just five
years before.
28. This situation requires a new approach to security. It
has to be one in which there are no foes, only partners in
search of mutual peace and shared prosperity. When we arm
ourselves, it should only be for legitimate defence and law
enforcement and even then to the minimum required for
effective deterrence.
29. In this regard, I think we in the Pacific must address
the issue of arms control more seriously. We spent no less
than US$470 billion on arms in 1993. This is close to the
entire GDP of all the seven ASEAN countries in purchasing
power parity terms. We have the world's biggest military
powers and largest military spenders in our midst. Without
prejudice to their legitimate national, regional or global
security interests, surely more can be done to reduce the
weapons in their possession. And much more can be done to
limit the invention, development and perfection of ever more
sophisticated weapons of destruction.
30. By the same token, we should recognise that there are
states in the region whose military capabilities are
relatively low and quite inadequate to satisfy their
legitimate security needs. We cannot deny these states the
right to enhance their capabilities. But the hard selling
of more and more sophisticated arms to one will only lead to
the others wanting to be similarly equipped. They are then
blamed for indulging in an arms race, while the activities
of the arms-dealing nations are regarded as blameless.
31. I feel I must dwell, if only briefly and however
uncomfortably, on the subject of nuclear weapons. Three of
the five declared nuclear powers are in the Pacific. A
fourth tests here. There could also be nuclear ambitions on
the part of some regional states. This region more than any
other therefore needs to implement the provisions of the
Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty more vigorously. And this
region must observe the Test ban and go on to outlaw nuclear
arms altogether. Present technology should enable us to
monitor effectively. We have banned chemical weapons, the
manufacture of which is much more difficult to detect.
32. But we are now indeed making some tangible progress.
Two of our sub-regions - the South Pacific and Southeast
Asia - are now under nuclear weapons free zone regimes,
however modest these regimes may be.
33. Let me conclude by underlining just a few of the
principles which I think are absolutely indispensable if we
seek to strengthen the foundations of mutual peace and
prosperity in the Pacific.
34. First among these principles, in my view, would be the
highest welfare of the human society and its members. When
all is said and done, this is the most profound concern of
state, society and religion.
35. Next is mutual respect; the respect that is due for
each other's values, cultures, aspirations and abilities.
They are no less meaningful and important merely because
they are not our own.
36. I would also mention equality; the equality of nations
large and small, powerful and weak. It is amazing how
quickly we discard this most basic of democratic principles
when we turn from domestic societies and operate in the
society of nations.
37. A commitment to peace and peaceful means must surely
also underpin our efforts to build security and to manage
our differences.
38. Given our interdependence, cooperation and mutual help
will also rank as one of the important principles.
Unilateralism has become a less productive option, even for
the more powerful.
39. Lastly, is the principle of integrity; the integrity to
abide by the very values, norms and principles which we
profess and declare and expect others to live by.
40. Let us be true to ourselves and the best traditions of
our society. I pray that we will not fail in responding to
the immense promise of the future.
|